I’m sure that most whites felt that with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, all race problems were automatically solved. The summer poverty programs, like most other Government projects, function well in some places and are totally ineffective in others. When I speak of integration, I don’t mean a romantic mixing of colors, I mean a real sharing of power and responsibility. This has not been the case. As a matter of fact, I think the aura of paramilitarism among black militant groups speaks much more of fear than it does of confidence. One of the most basic weapons in the fight for social justice will be the cumulative political power of the Negro. Biden is now the President-elect, yet Trump refuses to recognize this election as legitimate. A good example of this problem is my home city of Atlanta, where the rapid-transit system has been laid out for the convenience of the white upper-middle-class suburbanites who commute to their jobs downtown. Justice so long deferred has accumulated interest and its cost for this society will be substantial in financial as well as human terms. But despite these anachronisms, at the city and county level, there is a new respect for black votes and black citizenship that just did not exist ten years ago. Much of the justification for rioting has come from the thesis—originally set fourth by Franz Fanon—that violence has a certain cleansing effect. Millions of people have fought thousands of battles to enlarge my freedom; restricted as it still is, progress has been made. I have come to hope that American Negroes can be a bridge between white civilization and the nonwhite nations of the world, because we have roots in both. Even our emotional life has been disciplined and sometimes stifled and inhibited by an essentially European upbringing. 1968 was filled with turmoil as war, inflation, violence, urban decay and intense poverty confronted Americans. The fact that most white people do not comprehend this situation—which prevails in the North as well as in the South—is due largely to the press, which molds the opinions of the white community. While it is a bitter fact that in America in 1968, I am denied equality solely because I am black, yet I am not a chattel slave. Part 7 Books: "Stride Towards Freedom" (1958); "The Strength to Love" (1963); "Why We Can't Wait" (1964). These fine sentiments are embodied in the Declaration of Independence, but that document was always a declaration of intent rather than of reality. The difference, in large measure, is one of citizen participation; that is the key to success or failure. It hardly needs to be said that solutions to these critical problems are overwhelmingly urgent. In particular, automation began to cut into our jobs very badly, and this snuffed out the few sparks of hope the black people had begun to nurture. The anarchy of unplanned city growth was destined to confound our confidence. There is utterly no reason Addonizio should be the mayor of Newark, with the Negro majority that exists in that city. We must simply fight at both the local and the national levels to gain as much community control as possible over the poverty program. The 842 other counties remain essentially just as they were before the march on Selma. They know that life in the city ghetto of life in the rural South almost certainly means jail or death or humiliation. Just three years ago, a Negro could be beaten for going into the county courthouse in Dallas County; now Negroes share in running it. The problem is so tenacious because, despite its virtues and attributes, America is deeply racist and its democracy is flawed both economically and socially. I think that the place to start, however, is in the area of human relations, and especially in the area of community-police relations. All too many Americans believe justice will unfold painlessly or that its absence for black people will be tolerated tranquilly. It is a quest reward from The Restless Souls. Many of them joined our struggle and displayed heroism no less inspiring than that of black people. Actually, it’s my guess that the statistics are very, very conservative in this area. The President’s Riot Commission concluded that most violence-prone Negroes are teenagers or young adults who, almost invariably, are underemployed (“underemployed” means working every day but earning an income below the poverty level) or who are employed in menial jobs. Appendix - additional interview: conversation with Martin Luther King (1968). Yet all of it was dissent. Ultimately, one’s sense of manhood must come from within him. Their voice is still a minority; but united with millions of black protesting voices, it has become a sound of distant thunder increasing in volume with the gathering of storm clouds. The Negro today cannot escape from his ghetto in the way that Irish, Italian, Jewish and Polish immigrants escaped from their ghettos 50 years ago. An exhaustive collection of the speeches, writings, and interviews with the Nobel Prize-winning activist. Ultimately, there is a larger force at work. This book brings together essays, speeches, sermons, interviews, and excerpts from King's books. This dissent is America’s hope. In Cleveland, 58 percent of the young men between the ages of 16 and 25 were estimated to be either unemployed or underemployed. also have learned this basic lesson in human relations, thanks largely to Jimmy Baldwin and others who have articulated some of the problems of being black in a multiracial society. 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